Mayor 2023: Back of the Envelope, Part 2

As the Mayor’s race heats up, I’m doing a series establishing some baseline numbers. What follows are simplistic calculations using reasonable assumptions. Welcome to the Back of the Envelope. See Part 1 here.

Will candidates split the vote?

In Part 1, I argued that Philadelphia’s votes will probably be constituted by 35% from the Black Voter wards, 30% from Wealthy Progressive wards, 25% from White Moderate wards, and 10% from Hispanic Voter wards.

This means no single bloc can win the election on its own, and the winner will need to dominate at least one bloc, and do well enough in the others.

The question on my mind is whether candidates could run for the same bloc, and split the vote. With 10 candidates announced, 20% of the vote could be enough to win. If three candidates each try to consolidate the Black Voter divisions, or the Progressive divisions, could a single candidate optimize for the White Moderate divisions and win? And what neighborhoods will candidates presumably do best in?

Below, I consider candidates’ past elections to guess which blocs they’ll be targetting.

View code
library(tidyverse)
library(sf)

source("../../admin_scripts/util.R")


setwd("C:/Users/Jonathan Tannen/Dropbox/sixty_six/posts/council_ballot_position_23/")

df_major_type <- readRDS("../../data/processed_data/df_major_type_20230116.Rds")
df_major <- df_major_type %>%
  group_by(office, candidate, party, warddiv, year, election_type, district, ward, is_topline_office) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes))

df_major <- df_major %>% 
  group_by(year, election_type, office, district, warddiv) %>%
  mutate(pvote = votes / sum(votes)) %>%
  ungroup()

topline_votes <- df_major %>% 
  filter(is_topline_office) %>%
  group_by(election_type, year) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  mutate(
    year = asnum(year),
    cycle = case_when(
      year %% 4 == 0 ~ "President",
      year %% 4 == 1 ~ "District Attorney",
      year %% 4 == 2 ~ "Governor",
      year %% 4 == 3 ~ "Mayor"
    )
  )

cycle_colors <- c("President" = strong_red, "Mayor" = strong_blue, "District Attorney" = strong_green, "Governor" = strong_orange)

office_votes = df_major %>%
  group_by(
    year, warddiv, election_type, office, district
  ) %>%
  summarise(total_votes = sum(votes))

format_name <- function(x){
  x <- stringr::str_to_lower(x)
  x <- gsub("(^|\\s)([a-z])", "\\1\\U\\2", x, perl = TRUE)
  x
}
divs <- st_read("../../data/gis/warddivs/202011/Political_Divisions.shp") %>%
  mutate(warddiv = pretty_div(DIVISION_N))source("../../data/prep_data/div_svd_time_util.R")
div_cat_fn <- readRDS("../../data/processed_data/svd_time_20230116.RDS")

div_cats <- div_cat_fn %>% get_row_cats(2017) %>% rename(warddiv = row_id)

cats <- c(
  "Black Voters",
  "Wealthy Progressives",
  "Hispanic Voters",
  "White Moderates"
)

cat_colors <- c(light_blue, light_red, light_orange, light_green)
names(cat_colors) <- cats

What blocs will each candidate target?

For each candidate, let’s look at some relevant elections. First, the At Large Council candidates, for whom we have the best, city-wide, reference elections.

View code
relevant_elections <- tribble(
  ~candidate, ~year, ~election_type, ~office,
  "ALLAN DOMB", 2015, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "ALLAN DOMB", 2019, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "DEREK S GREEN", 2015, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "DEREK S GREEN", 2019, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "HELEN GYM", 2015, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "HELEN GYM", 2019, "primary", "COUNCIL AT LARGE",
  "REBECCA RHYNHART", 2017, "primary", "CITY CONTROLLER",
  # "REBECCA RHYNHART", 2021, "primary", "CITY CONTROLLER",
) %>% mutate(year = as.character(year))

comp_results <- df_major %>% 
  inner_join(relevant_elections) %>%
  left_join(office_votes) %>%
  group_by(candidate, year, election_type, office) %>%
  mutate(
    pvote_total = sum(votes, na.rm=TRUE) / sum(total_votes, na.rm=TRUE)
  ) %>%
  ungroup()

cat_results <- comp_results %>% 
  left_join(div_cats %>% select(-year)) %>%
  group_by(year, cat, candidate, election_type, office) %>%
  summarise(pvote = sum(votes) / sum(total_votes))


ggplot(
  divs %>% 
    left_join(comp_results) %>%
    filter(office == "COUNCIL AT LARGE")
) +
  geom_sf(aes(fill=100 * pmin(pvote, 0.20)), color=NA) +
  facet_grid(format_name(candidate) ~ year) +
  scale_fill_viridis_c("% of Votes") +
  theme_map_sixtysix() %+replace%
  theme(legend.position = "right") +
  labs(
    title="City Council At Large Results"
  )

In 2015, Domb did best in the River Wards, the Northeast, South Philly, and immediate Center City. Derek Green did best among Black divisions in West, and North Philly. Helen Gym did best in the ring around Center City and Chestnut Hill / Mount Airy.

In 2019, we see the effects of incumbency. Gym led the pack by dominating the Wealthy Progressive and Black Wards from the first column, Green did well enough everywhere despite losing his top ballot position, and Domb improved across Black Wards thanks to incumbency and the party endorsement.

View code
ggplot(
  cat_results %>% filter(office == "COUNCIL AT LARGE"),
  aes(x=cat, y=100*pvote)
) +
  geom_bar(aes(fill=cat), color=NA, stat="identity") +
  facet_grid(year ~ format_name(candidate)) +
  scale_fill_manual(values=cat_colors, guide=FALSE) +
  theme_sixtysix() %+replace%
  theme(axis.text.x = element_text(angle=45, hjust = 1, vjust=1)) +
  labs(
    title="City Council At Large by Bloc",
    x=NULL,
    y = "% of Votes"
  )

Rhynhart won a competitive primary in 2017, albeit in the lower profile City Controller race. She did so by cleaning up in the Wealthy Progressive wards around Center City, though did beat 50% in the Black and Hispanic Voter blocs.

View code
ggplot(
  divs %>% 
    left_join(comp_results) %>%
    filter(office == "CITY CONTROLLER")
) +
  geom_sf(aes(fill=100 * pvote), color=NA) +
  # facet_grid(format_name(candidate) ~ year) +
  scale_fill_viridis_c("% of Votes") +
  theme_map_sixtysix() %+replace%
  theme(legend.position = "right") +
  labs(
    title="Rebecca Rhynhart in the 2017 Primary"
  )

View code
ggplot(
  cat_results %>% filter(office == "CITY CONTROLLER"),
  aes(x=cat, y=100*pvote)
) +
  geom_bar(aes(fill=cat), color=NA, stat="identity") +
  # facet_grid(year ~ format_name(candidate)) +
  scale_fill_manual(values=cat_colors, guide=FALSE) +
  theme_sixtysix() %+replace%
  theme(axis.text.x = element_text(angle=45, hjust = 1, vjust=1)) +
  labs(
    title="Rebecca Rhynhart's 2017 Primary by Bloc",
    x=NULL,
    y = "% of Votes"
  )

Three candidates come from districted seats: Cherelle Parker, Maria Quiñones-Sánchez, and Amen Brown. We don’t have city-wide elections for them, but can reasonably guess that they’ll do well in the blocs that their districts constitute.

View code
district_elections <- tribble(
  ~candidate, ~year, ~election_type, ~office,
  "CHERELLE L PARKER", 2019, "primary", "DISTRICT COUNCIL",
  "MARIA QUIÑONES SÁNCHEZ", 2019, "primary", "DISTRICT COUNCIL",
  "AMEN BROWN", 2022, "primary", "REPRESENTATIVE IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY"
) %>% mutate(year = as.character(year))

districts <- 
  divs %>% inner_join(
    df_major %>% 
    inner_join(district_elections) %>%
    select(office, district, warddiv, candidate)
  ) %>% group_by(office, district, candidate) %>% 
  summarise(
    geometry=st_union(geometry)
  )
districts <- nngeo::st_remove_holes(districts)


phila_whole <- st_read("../../data/gis/warddivs/201911/Political_Wards.shp") %>% 
  st_union()ggplot(phila_whole) + 
  geom_sf(color=NA) + 
  geom_sf(data=districts, aes(fill = candidate), color=NA) +
  geom_sf_text(
    data=districts %>% mutate(geom = st_centroid(geom)),
    aes(label = sprintf(
      "%s\n(%s-%s)", 
      format_name(candidate), 
      case_when(office == "DISTRICT COUNCIL" ~ "Council", TRUE ~ "PA"),
      district
    )),
    fontface="bold"
  ) +
  scale_fill_discrete(guide=F) +
  theme_map_sixtysix() +
  labs(
    title="Mayoral Candidates' Districts"
  )

Parker and Brown represent predominantly-Black districts, Quiñones-Sánchez a predominantly Hispanic one.

That leaves Warren Bloom, Jeff Brown, and Jimmy DeLeon as candidates without instructive elections. Brown is spending a lot of money, and running on a platform that I expect to do better in the White Moderate bloc. Bloom has run six times before without making any ripples, and DeLeon is a… longshot.

The crowded lanes

Where does that leave us? We have three candidates who have done best in Black wards, Parker, Green, and Amen Brown; two candidates who have done best in Wealthy Progressive wards, Gym and Rhynhart; two we can expect to do best in White Moderate wards, Domb and Jeff Brown; one who’ll do best in the Hispanic bloc, Quiñones-Sánchez; and two without an electoral history, Bloom and Deleon.

Obviously these candidates won’t split the blocs evenly, so we can’t just divide the vote by the number of candidates. And winning will require doing well enough in other blocs to hit a winning profile. The candidates from At Large council–Green, Gym, and Domb–probably enter with the best name recognition, and might have higher baselines even in their worse blocs.

That was clear in the last two competitive mayoral primaries of 2007 and 2015. In 2007, Nutter dominated the Wealthy Progressive bloc, but also won the Black Voter bloc and broke 20% in White Moderate and Hispanic Voter blocs. In 2015, Kenney did best in the White Moderate and Wealthy Progressive blocs, but actually won in all of them. Both Kenney and Nutter were City Councilmembers.

View code
df_major %>% 
  filter(
    office == "MAYOR",
    election_type == "primary",
    party == "DEMOCRATIC",
    year %in% c(2015, 2007)
  ) %>% 
  left_join(div_cats %>% select(-year)) %>%
  group_by(cat, year, candidate) %>%
  summarise(votes=sum(votes, na.rm=TRUE)) %>%
  group_by(cat, year) %>%
  mutate(pvote = votes / sum(votes)) %>%
  ggplot(
    aes(x = cat, y=100*pvote) 
  ) +
  geom_text(aes(label = format_name(candidate))) +
  facet_grid(year ~.) +
  geom_hline(yintercept=0)+
  theme_bw() +
  labs(
    x=NULL,
    y="% of Votes",
    title="Results in each bloc",
    subtitle="2007 and 2015 Mayoral Primaries"
  )

With petitions due soon and the race maturing, we will probably see several candidates drop out ahead of the election. That could help a candidate consolidate their bloc. Without drop-outs, though, this election would probably prove more fractured than 2007 and 2015. But the broader point holds: the winner will probably do well in two blocs, and well-enough in the rest.

Mayor 2023: Back of the Envelope

As the Mayor’s race heats up, I’m doing a series establishing some baseline numbers. What follows are simplistic calculations using reasonable assumptions. Welcome to the Back of the Envelope.

Breaking down the electorate

How many voters should we expect?

View code
library(tidyverse)
library(sf)

source("../../admin_scripts/util.R")


setwd("C:/Users/Jonathan Tannen/Dropbox/sixty_six/posts/council_ballot_position_23/")

df_major_type <- readRDS("../../data/processed_data/df_major_type_20230116.Rds")
df_major <- df_major_type %>%
  group_by(office, candidate, party, warddiv, year, election_type, district, ward, is_topline_office) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes))

df_major <- df_major %>% 
  group_by(year, election_type, office, district, warddiv) %>%
  mutate(pvote = votes / sum(votes)) %>%
  ungroup()

topline_votes <- df_major %>% 
  filter(is_topline_office) %>%
  group_by(election_type, year) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  mutate(
    year = asnum(year),
    cycle = case_when(
      year %% 4 == 0 ~ "President",
      year %% 4 == 1 ~ "District Attorney",
      year %% 4 == 2 ~ "Governor",
      year %% 4 == 3 ~ "Mayor"
    )
  )

cycle_colors <- c("President" = strong_red, "Mayor" = strong_blue, "District Attorney" = strong_green, "Governor" = strong_orange)

ggplot(
  topline_votes,
  aes(x=year, y=votes, color=cycle)
) +
  geom_line(size=1) +
  geom_point(size=2) +
  geom_text(
    data = tribble(
      ~votes, ~cycle,
      680e3, "President",
      580e3, "Governor",
      320e3, "Mayor",
      90e3, "District Attorney"
    ) %>% mutate(election_type = "general"),
    aes(label=cycle),
    x = 2022,
    hjust=1,
    fontface="bold"
  ) +
  theme_sixtysix() +
  expand_limits(y=0) +
  scale_y_continuous(
    "Votes cast in topline office" , 
    labels=scales::comma
  ) +
  scale_color_manual(
    values = cycle_colors,
    guide=FALSE
  )+
  facet_grid(~format_name(election_type)) +
  labs(
    x=NULL,
    title="Votes cast in Philadelphia elections"
  )

Mayoral primaries usually see the second highest turnout, after Presidential. In the last two competitive mayoral races, 2007 and 2015, we saw 309,000 and 247,000 votes respectively. Given that turnout has dramatically jumped post-2016 and this race is shaping up to be hyper competitive, I’d expect turnout around that 310,000 mark or higher.

How many votes will it take to win?

With so many candidates, the winner won’t need a very high percentage. The two most competitive recent, many-candidate races were 2007 Mayor and 2017 D.A., both with seven candidates. In 2007, Michael Nutter beat Thomas Knox 37% to 25%. In 2017, Larry Krasner beat Joe Khan 38% to 20%. So it looks like it took ~30% to win (halfway between first and second). I’ll call this number the “Win Percent”.

View code
comp_elections <- tribble(
  ~year, ~election_type, ~office,
  "2009", "primary", "DISTRICT ATTORNEY",
  "2017", "primary", "DISTRICT ATTORNEY",
  "2015", "primary", "MAYOR",
  "2007", "primary", "MAYOR",
  "2020", "primary", "PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES",
  "2008", "primary", "PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES",
  "2004", "primary", "PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES",
  "2022", "primary", "UNITED STATES SENATOR",
  "2016", "primary", "UNITED STATES SENATOR",
  "2010", "primary", "UNITED STATES SENATOR",
  "2006", "primary", "UNITED STATES SENATOR",
)

winnum_df <- df_major %>% inner_join(comp_elections) %>% 
  filter(
    ifelse(election_type == "primary", party == "DEMOCRATIC"),
    candidate != "Write In"
  ) %>%
  group_by(year, election_type, office, candidate) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  group_by(year, election_type, office) %>%
  mutate(
    pvote = votes / sum(votes),
    rnk = rank(desc(votes))
  ) %>%
  summarise(
    ncand = length(unique(candidate)),
    winner_pvote = pvote[rnk == 1],
    second_pvote = pvote[rnk == 2]
  ) %>%
  mutate(office_pretty = case_when(
    office == "PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES" ~ "President",
    office == "UNITED STATES SENATOR" ~ "Senate",
    TRUE ~ format_name(office)
  ))

# df_major %>% 
#   filter(election_type == "primary", party == "DEMOCRATIC") %>%
#   filter(office == "MAYOR") %>%
#   group_by(year, candidate) %>%
#   summarise(votes = sum(votes))

ggplot(winnum_df, 
       aes(x=ncand, y=100*(winner_pvote + second_pvote) / 2)
) +
  geom_point(size=3, color = strong_purple) +
  ggrepel::geom_text_repel(aes(label=paste(year, office_pretty))) +
  theme_sixtysix() +
  expand_limits(y=0, x=c(1,8)) +
  labs(
    title = "With 10+ candidates, the win number could be < 25%",
    subtitle = "Philadelphia Democratic Primaries",
    x = "Number of candidates",
    y = "Win Percent\navg(first place, second place)"
  )

The win percentage at ten candidates looks like it will be 25%, or lower. We haven’t seen 10 candidates in a recent election. If we’re still at or above 10 come May, especially with such high-profile names, that win percent could be as low as 20%.

Where will those votes come from?

Division across the city turn out or stay home in patterns. I’ve analysed these patterns before, creating my voting blocs.

View code
divs <- st_read("../../data/gis/warddivs/202011/Political_Divisions.shp") %>%
  mutate(warddiv = pretty_div(DIVISION_N))source("../../data/prep_data/div_svd_time_util.R")
div_cat_fn <- readRDS("../../data/processed_data/svd_time_20230116.RDS")

div_cats <- div_cat_fn %>% get_row_cats(2017) %>% rename(warddiv = row_id)

cats <- c(
  "Black Voters",
  "Wealthy Progressives",
  "Hispanic Voters",
  "White Moderates"
)

cat_colors <- c(light_blue, light_red, light_orange, light_green)
names(cat_colors) <- cats

ggplot(
  divs %>% left_join(div_cats, by="warddiv")
) +
  geom_sf(aes(fill=cat), color=NA) +
  scale_fill_manual(NULL, values=cat_colors) +
  theme_map_sixtysix() + #%+replace%
  # theme(legend.position="bottom", legend.direction="horizontal") +
  ggtitle("Philadelphia's Voting Blocs")

Philadelphia’s Black Wards have had a relatively low proportion of the vote since November 2020. But I expect that to recover a little in a Mayoral primary. Let’s say Black Voter divisions will cast more than 35% of votes, Wealthy Progressives about 30% of the vote, White Moderates 25%, and Hispanic North Philly 10%.

View code
df_major %>%
  filter(is_topline_office) %>%
  left_join(div_cats %>% select(-year), by = "warddiv") %>%
  group_by(year, election_type, cat) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  group_by(year, election_type) %>%
  mutate(total_votes = sum(votes), pvote = votes / total_votes) %>%
  ungroup() %>%
  filter(!is.na(cat)) %>%
  ggplot(
    aes(x = asnum(year), y = 100*pvote, color=cat)
  ) +
  geom_line(size=1) +
  geom_point(size=2) +
  facet_grid(~format_name(election_type)) +
  theme_sixtysix() +
  scale_color_manual(NULL, values=cat_colors[order(names(cat_colors))]) +
  expand_limits(y=0) +
  labs(
    x = NULL,
    y = "% of vote",
    title = "Voting Bloc proportions of the vote"
  )

The types of possible winners

What kinds of coalitions could put a candidate over the top? Let’s assume a candidate (a) needs 25% of the vote to win, and (b) the breakdown of votes is 35% Black Voter divisions, 30% Wealthy Progressive divisions, 25% White Moderate divisions, and 10% Hispanic Voter divisions.

The winner will be the candidate who achieves \[ 0.35 p_{blk} + 0.30 p_{wprog} + 0.25 p_{wmod} + 0.10 p_{hisp} \ge 0.25, \] where \(p_i\) is the proportion of the vote received in bloc \(i\).

Consider, for example, just the Black Voter and Wealthy Progressive Blocs.

View code
cat_corr_df <- df_major %>% 
  inner_join(winnum_df) %>%
  filter(candidate != "Write In", party == "DEMOCRATIC") %>%
  mutate(winnum = (winner_pvote + second_pvote)/2) %>%
  left_join(div_cats %>% select(-year)) %>%
  filter(!is.na(cat)) %>%
  group_by(year, office_pretty, candidate, cat, winnum) %>%
  summarise(votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  group_by(year, office_pretty, cat) %>%
  mutate(total_votes = sum(votes)) %>%
  ungroup() %>%
  mutate(
    pvote = votes / total_votes,
    pvote_norm = pvote / winnum
  ) %>%
  pivot_wider(
    id_cols = c(year, office_pretty, candidate, winnum),
    values_from = c(pvote, pvote_norm, votes),
    names_from = c(cat)
  )

y_prop <- 0.35
x_prop <- 0.30

ggplot(
  cat_corr_df,
  aes(
    x=`pvote_norm_Wealthy Progressives`, 
    y=`pvote_norm_Black Voters`
  )
) +
  geom_hline(yintercept = 1.0, color="grey50") +
  geom_vline(xintercept = 1.0, color="grey50") +
  geom_abline(slope = -x_prop / y_prop, intercept = 1 + x_prop/y_prop, linetype="dashed") +
  annotate(
    "text",
    label = "Win Line", 
    x=0.05, y=1 +x_prop/y_prop, 
    angle= atan(-x_prop / y_prop) * 180 / pi
  ) +
  geom_text(
    aes(label = paste0(format_name(candidate)," ", year)),
    size=3.0
  ) +
  coord_fixed() +
  theme_sixtysix() +
  labs(
    title="Candidate performance in\n Black and Progressive Divisions",
    x = "% of vote in Wealthy Progressive / Win Percent",
    y = "% of vote in Black Voter / Win Percent"
  )

Winning these combined blocs requires being above the dashed line. Williams, Obama, Biden, Kerry, Krasner, Nutter, and Kenney all cleared it easily. Malcolm Kenyatta won these Philadelphia blocs in 2022 by dominating the Black Wards. Fetterman did better in the Wealthy Progressive wards, but not enough to win the head-to-head.

Compare that to the White Moderate and Black Voter comparison. These dimensions are uncorrelated; candidates often do well in one but not the other.

View code
y_prop <- 0.35
x_prop <- 0.25

ggplot(
  cat_corr_df,
  aes(
    x=`pvote_norm_White Moderates`, 
    y=`pvote_norm_Black Voters`
  )
) +
  geom_hline(yintercept = 1.0, color="grey50") +
  geom_vline(xintercept = 1.0, color="grey50") +
  geom_abline(slope = -x_prop / y_prop, intercept = 1 + x_prop/y_prop, linetype="dashed") +
  annotate(
    "text",
    label = "Win Line", 
    x=0.05, y=1 +x_prop/y_prop, 
    angle= atan(-x_prop / y_prop) * 180 / pi
  ) +
  geom_text(
    aes(label = paste0(format_name(candidate)," ", year)),
    size=3.0
  ) +
  coord_fixed() +
  theme_sixtysix() +
  labs(
    title="Candidate performance in\n Black and White Moderate Divisions",
    x = "% of vote in White Moderate / Win Percent",
    y = "% of vote in Black Voter / Win Percent"
  )

Seth Williams, Barack Obama, Arlen Specter, and even Katie McGinty did well enough in Black Voter divisions to overcome White Moderate weakness. Jim Kenney did much better in White Moderate divisions (although he still beat his win number in Black Voter divisions).

In all cases, an extremely strong showing in a bloc is 1.5 times the win number. This year, that would be 38%. Considering that, here are some combinations of candidates that would win. (To construct these, I’ve taken real candidates’ proportions in each bloc, and adjusted them proportionally up or down to hit exactly win number.)

View code
profiles <- tribble(
  ~candidate, ~year, ~nickname,
  "BARACK OBAMA", "2008", "Black & Progressives",
  "MICHAEL NUTTER", "2007", "Progressive consolidator",
  "ROBERT A BRADY", "2007", "White Moderate consolidator",
  "JOSEPH R BIDEN", "2020", "Party stalwart",
  "ANTHONY HARDY WILLIAMS","2015", "Black consolidator",
  "JOE SESTAK", "2010", "White Moderates & Progressives"
)

profile_res <- cat_corr_df %>%
  inner_join(profiles) %>%
  mutate(candidate=case_when(
    candidate=="ROBERT A BRADY" ~ "BOB BRADY", 
    candidate=="JOSEPH R BIDEN" ~ "JOE BIDEN", 
    TRUE ~ candidate
  )) %>%
  mutate(total = 0.35 * `pvote_norm_Black Voters` + 0.3 * `pvote_norm_Wealthy Progressives` + 0.25 * `pvote_norm_White Moderates` + 0.1 * `pvote_norm_Hispanic Voters`) %>%
  mutate(
    across(
      `pvote_norm_Black Voters`:`pvote_norm_White Moderates`, 
      function(col) col / total * 0.25,
      .names="sim_{.col}"
    )
  ) %>%
  select(candidate, nickname, starts_with("sim_")) %>%
  pivot_longer(
    starts_with("sim_"),
    names_to = "cat",
    values_to = "pvote"
  ) %>%
  mutate(cat = gsub("sim_pvote_norm_", "", cat))

# win_types <- tribble(
#   ~name, ~`Black Voters`, ~`Wealthy Progressives`, ~`White Moderates`, ~`Hispanic Voters`,
#   "Black w enough Progressive", 0.38, 0.20, 0.20, 0.08,
#   "Progressive w some Black", 0.23, 0.38, 0.15, 0.18,
#   "White Moderate with Progressives", 0.08, 0.27, 0.45, 0.27
# ) %>%
#   mutate(
#     total = 0.35 * `Black Voters` + 0.3 * `Wealthy Progressives` + 0.25 * `White Moderates` + 0.1 * `Hispanic Voters`
#   )
# win_types

ggplot(
  profile_res,
  aes(x=cat, y=100*pvote)
) + 
  geom_hline(yintercept = 25, linetype="dashed") +
  geom_bar(aes(fill = cat), stat="identity") +
  scale_fill_manual(values = cat_colors, guide=FALSE) +
  geom_text(aes(label = sprintf("%0.0f", 100*pvote)), color="white", vjust = 1.4) +
  facet_wrap(~paste0(nickname, "\n(the \"", format_name(candidate), "\")")) +
  theme_sixtysix() %+replace%
  theme(axis.text.x = element_text(angle=45, hjust=1.1, vjust=1.1))+
  labs(
    title = "Possible Types of Winners",
    x=NULL,
    y="Percent of Vote to win"
  )

Notice that the single-bloc routes, the Anthony Hardy Williams and the Bob Brady, require herculean percentages in their bloc, nearly twice the 25% win number. More likely, the winner will do pretty well in both the Black Voter and Wealthy Progressive divisions, and manage to consolidate one of them.

Of course, how easy any of these paths are will depend on how many candidates are vying for them. Are too many candidates vying for the Black-, the Progressive-, or the White Moderate-lane? Coming in Part 2!